Eatwell, R. Eatwell and A. Wright eds. Goodwin, B. Heywood, A. Leach, R. British Political Ideologies Philip Allen, MacKenzie, I. Eccleshall et al. McLellan, D. Ideology Open University Press, Plamenatz, J. Ideology Macmillan, Plant, R.
Drucker et al. Seliger, M. Ideology and Politics Allen and Unwin, Thomas, G. Vincent, A. Vincent, Modern Political Ideologies Blackwell, , pp. Series: Understandings. This book critically examines the range of policies and programmes that attempt to manage economic activity that contributes to political violence.
Beginning with an overview of over a dozen policies aimed at transforming these activities into economic relationships which support peace, not war, the book then offers a sustained critique of the reasons for limited success in this policy field. The inability of the range of international actors involved in this policy area, the Development-Security Industry DSI , to bring about more peaceful political-economic relationships is shown to be a result of liberal biases, resulting conceptual lenses and operational tendencies within this industry.
A detailed case study of responses to organised crime in Kosovo offers an in-depth exploration of these problems, but also highlights opportunities for policy innovation. This book offers a new framework for understanding both the problem of economic activity that accompanies and sometimes facilitates violence and programmes aimed at managing these forms of economic activity.
Summaries of key arguments and frameworks, found within each chapter, provide accessible templates for both students and aid practitioners seeking to understand war economies and policy reactions in a range of other contexts.
It also offers insight into how to alter and improve policy responses in other cases. As such, the book is accessible to a range of readers, including students interested in peace, conflict and international development as well as policy makers and practitioners seeking new ways of understanding war economies and improving responses to them.
Despite the imperative for change in a world of persistent inequality, racism, oppression and violence, difficulties arise once we try to bring about a transformation. As scholars, students and activists, we may want to change the world, but we are not separate, looking in, but rather part of the world ourselves. The book demonstrates that we are not in control: with all our academic rigour, we cannot know with certainty why the world is the way it is, or what impact our actions will have.
It asks what we are to do, if this is the case, and engages with our desire to seek change. Chapters scrutinise the role of intellectuals, experts and activists in famine aid, the Iraq war, humanitarianism and intervention, traumatic memory, enforced disappearance, and the Grenfell Tower fire, and examine the fantasy of security, contemporary notions of time, space and materiality, and ideas of the human and sentience.
The book argues that although we might need to traverse the fantasy of certainty and security, we do not need to give up on hope. This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After , Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building.
Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only.
The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation.
The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing. You're not logged in. Advanced Search Help. Search open access content Search all content. Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd. The role of ideology in politics and society.
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Freedom has three elements. A person must be free from restraint, to do something. Individualists argue for a model of freedom where people's freedom depends on their independence. Social welfare and state intervention are seen as undermining independence, and so freedom.
A social model of freedom begins from the view that freedom depends on interdependence. To be able to act, people have to have the power to choose in society. In this model, poverty negates freedom.
Social welfare empowers people and enhances their freedom. Welfare provision has grown hand in hand with democracy. The state is a general term for the institutions, agencies and procedures related to government. The idea of the 'welfare state' suggests that social policy is mainly a governmental responsibility, though in practice many of the functions of welfare states are undertaken by agencies beyond the government. If governments are concerned about the welfare of their citizens some are not , they will have some responsibility for social protection.
This responsibility may be residual confined to those who are unable to manage in other ways , but most states have found that it is impossible in practice to confine their actions only to support in the last resort the model of the Poor Law. The reasons are partly administrative strict selectivity is costly and inefficient , but mainly political: the pressures for expansion are irresistible.
The welfare states are institutional forms of social protection, and although many welfare services are not actually delivered by state agencies, it is often considered that the state has sets the terms on which social protection is provided. Some writers have argued that states should confine themselves to a more limited range of activity, but if the same activities can legitimately be undertaken by non-state agencies it is difficult to see why they cease to be legitimate if a properly constituted government does them.
Religion is a pattern of social organisation, and as such it can be distinguished from the teachings of prophets or scripture. As a pattern of organisation, religious practice has important implications for social policy. The first dimension of religious influence is based in moral teaching. Many religions offer guides to morality, but there may be several strands of moral belief which co-exist.
There is no necessary inconsistency between these principles, but different balances imply different social policies. A second dimension of religious teaching lies in the extent to which religion is integrated with political institutions. Some religions, and some countries, have made a firm distinction between the secular and religious spheres of their societies - there are examples in Catholic France or the predominantly Protestant USA.
Others have established religions and churches, including the formally Christian United Kingdom, the Jewish state of Israel or the Islamic Republics of Iran or Pakistan. Some religious groups are radical, arguing for fundamental political and social change; others are conservative, arguing either for support for established regimes or at least acceptance of the status quo.
Third, there is religion as a means of forging common identity. Ethnicity - though commonly confused with 'race' - is a matter of culture and descent, and it is through culture and descent that religion is principally transmitted. It makes perfectly good sense, in those terms, to describe someone as ethnically Muslim, Jewish or Hindu; the distinction between Protestant and Catholic, Sunni and Shi'ite, is as often a matter of affiliation as of belief.
Other religious movements aim deliberately to form a communal identity or sense of membership. Haynes distinguishes movements that are. Understanding the role of religious values in social policy often depends, then, on the interplay of these different dimensions - moral responsibility, political orientation and identity.
So, for example, the primary issues in the USA lie in the tension between individualist and communitarian interpretations of religious principle; in Turkey they fall between secularism and political Islamism; in much of Africa and South East Asia, they are often based in ethnicity.
Yet his concept of the medicalization of health helps to understand how the dominant conception of medicine and ideologies dominant among health professionals interact to create institutions--also in wider areas of health planning--that express the power of physicians and benefit elites.
These effects are particularly acute in capitalist societies. As for the problems and achievements in health of so-called socialist countries, these are frequently presented through rose-coloured spectacles, thereby hindering a realistic assessment of alternative policies for moving towards Health for All by the Year , WHO's current organizing make-shift and contradiction, especially with regard to the ideas of 'political will' and 'community participation'.
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